Can Peace Emerge from Horrific War Crimes?

Sudan has been engulfed in civil war for nearly its entire period of independence, spanning almost sixty years. As a result, South Sudan gained independence in 2011, but peace did not follow.

The problem lies in the fact that two men, both backed by military power, aspire to lead Sudan. The first is President Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, a general and the commander of the armed forces.

The other contender for power is General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, whose death was once declared but later denied, and who leads the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a group of about 100,000 men capable of posing a formidable challenge to the army.

Thus, in 2023, these two men and their forces plunged Sudan into yet another ongoing civil war. To make matters worse, several foreign powers, including the United Arab Emirates, Russia, and Iran, have become involved, yet the war remains unresolved.

As in all wars, civilians have suffered immeasurably. At its worst, they have been subjected to senseless violence.

For instance, Human Rights Watch has reported that RSF forces and their allied groups have committed horrific sexual crimes. Girls as young as seven have been abducted, held in slavery-like conditions, and raped daily.

Such atrocities demand justice. However, it seems unlikely that the perpetrators of African civil wars are ever held accountable for their crimes. Sadly, this will likely be the case in Sudan as well.

Even more disheartening is the fact that Sudanese society seems unable to live in peace, as there are always leaders eager to seize power through violence—and they inevitably find support for their ambitions. This, more than anything, effectively prevents the country from developing into a society capable of offering its citizens decent living conditions.

However, a glimmer of hope may lie in the fact that Western Europeans also waged wars for centuries, fighting under the banners of various kings, emperors, or power-seekers, destroying and pillaging as they went. Yet, since the Second World War, they have managed to maintain peace and improve living conditions for nearly 80 years.

Could the same be possible for Sudan?

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Uncertain Horizons: Syria's Post-Assad Era
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people

Uncertain Horizons: Syria's Post-Assad Era

Israel destroyed the Syrian army’s equipment in swift strikes following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad's regime, as the previously Islamist-designated Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) assumed power.

In practical terms, this means that the armaments of the Syrian dictatorship, including chemical weapons of mass destruction, will not fall into the hands of a new government, which may turn out to be an Islamist rogue state.

In this light, one might imagine that the entire world would be pleased with Israel’s actions. On the other hand, Israel’s operations contradict general principles of justice, which dictate that the law should apply equally to all. The same should hold true at the state level, meaning that Israel’s actions appear as nothing more than the unlawful use of force by the stronger party.

It is therefore clear that opponents of the Jewish state have gained yet another justification for their hatred toward it—and even a seemingly legitimate basis for actions against it in international forums such as the UN.

It is thus to be expected that the value-liberal left in Western countries will exploit this development to support Hamas terrorists in their fight in Gaza. At the same time, they will conveniently forget that the entire Gaza war began with Hamas’s terrorist attack and has only continued because the group has refused to disarm or release the hostages it took in October of last year.

* * *

When power shifted in Syria, Israel also occupied the demilitarized zone between it and Syria. Furthermore, it has advanced somewhat into the part of Syria inhabited by Druze communities.

The world was simultaneously surprised by the fact that, following these events, the Syrian Druze neither fled nor mounted resistance but instead declared their desire to become part of Israel. This indicates that this religious minority does not trust its future under the rule of Syria's new leaders.

This development is unlikely to sit well with Syria's new government. Should Israel fulfill the Druze community's wish, it could lay the groundwork for HTS to become a more fundamentalist organization—ultimately transforming into a rogue state similar to Iran or Afghanistan.

At this stage, however, it is virtually impossible to predict what will ultimately happen in Syria. Some have even suggested dividing the country into three parts, with HTS governing the central region, the Kurds holding power in the northeast, and either Israel or the Druze themselves controlling the southwestern corner.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
The Need for Asylum Among Syrians Disappeared with the Regime Change
On the Consequences of Russian Inability in Syria
Revolution in Syria: What Comes Next?

Revolution in Syria: What Comes Next?

The Syrian rebels have overthrown the regime of dictator Bashar al-Assad. The country's new leader is Ahmed Hussein al-Shar’a, though he is better known by his Islamist name, Abu Mohammed al-Julani.

Upon taking power, the revolutionary leader has reverted to using his real name, possibly to emphasize that he has not been associated with the Al-Qaeda terrorist organization for years. Interestingly, he has also promised the Syrian people and administration a peaceful transition of power. As a sign of this, public institutions have been ordered to continue operating under the framework of the old regime.

At least Bashar al-Assad’s prime minister, Mohammad Ghazi al-Jalali, has remained in the country and offered cooperation with the new authorities. Meanwhile, the former dictator himself has fled Damascus on an aircraft whose signal disappeared shortly after takeoff. Before vanishing, its trajectory pointed north.

This all suggests that, contrary to my initial expectations, Syria’s new government is unlikely to immediately establish a brutal regime akin to Afghanistan’s. Instead, despite its Islamist roots, it appears to be aiming to create a civilized administration—perhaps even a democracy.

However, it is possible that the country will begin a gradual shift toward Islamism once the dust settles. It is also conceivable that the rebels could eventually fall into internal conflict.

This is because the newly empowered Hayat Tahrir al-Sham is not the only faction that opposed Assad. Other groups continue to operate within the country, including the ISIS terrorist organization, which still dreams of its own caliphate, and the Kurdish Rojava, which has effectively governed the northeastern region of the country for over a decade.

Let us therefore watch the situation with cautious optimism, fearing the worst but hoping for the best—and hoping that this revolution does not lead to a new wave of mass migration from Syria to Europe.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
The Futile Civil War in Syria
Hassan Nasrallah Has Been Killed, but Lebanon Is Unlikely to Become the Switzerland of the Middle East Again
Three Islamists Arrested in Finland on Suspicion of Belonging to a Terrorist Group

The Futile Civil War in Syria

The brutal dictator of Syria, Bashar Al-Assad, managed to retain his power during the 2011 uprising in Syria and the ensuing hot phase of the civil war. This was achieved primarily through military support from Russia and the passivity of Western nations.

However, the civil war has not ended, and recent reports suggest it has once again entered an active phase. During this phase, a coalition led by the jihadist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham has succeeded in capturing half of the city of Aleppo. Additionally, the rebels have taken control of over 50 villages and towns, despite government forces being supported by Russian fighter jets.

The resumption of hostilities appears to be linked to Hezbollah, a Lebanese group supporting Assad, coming under attack by Israel. Furthermore, Iran, another key supporter of the dictator, has recently been humiliated, which has likely diminished its ability to assist Assad effectively. And the Russian army is stuck in Ukraine

Reading these reports, I found myself pondering which I would prefer to govern Syria: fundamentalist Muslims or a Russian-aligned dictator. And to conclude that both options are equally insane.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Hassan Nasrallah Has Been Killed, but Lebanon Is Unlikely to Become the Switzerland of the Middle East Again
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
Are we going to allow ISIS women to ride on their children?

The Lenin Museum Will No Longer Serve as a Reminder of the Dangers of Political Correctness

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin was the leader of the Russian Revolution and the first dictator of the Soviet Union. Among his most notable achievements in this position was the starvation of at least five million people due to his idiotic agricultural policies.

Less well known, however, is Lenin's history in my home country. During his exile, he often operated from Finland.

Lenin first expressed his support for Finland's independence at meetings held in Tampere in 1905 and 1906, in the building that now houses the Lenin Museum. The Soviet dictator did not do this out of goodwill but rather to weaken Tsarist Russia.

After his revolution, Lenin hoped that newly independent Finland would fall into a revolution that would bring it back into the fold of Soviet Russia. To this end, he incited the left, which indeed launched a bloody rebellion in 1918.

Today, it was reported in the Finnish press that the Lenin Museum, which I mentioned earlier, has seen more visitors this summer than in a long time. The reason is likely that the museum is set to close on November 3rd.

Thus, one monument to a time when Finland sought to secure its independence by avoiding provoking the eastern superpower is closing. This strategy was quite successful in that Finland remained independent, but the price was the eventual withering of Western-style democracy and the media's descent into the "woke" phenomenon of its time, where all opinions critical of the Soviet Union were condemned as politically incorrect and heretical.

This fate eventually befell even the largest right-wing party, the National Coalition Party, which subsequently joined the ruling center-left in adhering to the same policy of silence on certain facts. In doing so, it had to abandon the virtues of open democracy and freedom of speech.

All of this is relevant in the current world, where there are also attempts to condemn views based on people's own experiences and understanding as politically incorrect, regardless of their truth. In this sense, it is a shame that the Lenin Museum is closing, as it serves as a reminder of a time when Finland gradually slid into its own "truth," where black was white if the country's political leadership decreed it so in fear of the Soviet Union.

If my dear reader notes similarities in this writing to recent events in the United Kingdom or Ireland, Olympics or the changes in the workplace experienced in many Western countries, they may very well be on the right track.

Aiempia ajatuksia samasta aihepiiristä:
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
A young woman skiing in a swimsuit caused a controversy among women
Nightwish and the Disney Company

Finns Feel Sympathy for Ukrainians Because They Share a Similar Experience

Most Finns feel compassion towards Ukrainians who have been forced into war against Russia. This is largely because Finland found itself in a similar situation in 1939 when Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union agreed on a sphere of influence division in Eastern Europe with Hitler's Germany. The Winter War broke out, which united the entire Finnish nation just 21 years after the end of the civil war.

Therefore, it was interesting that according to a recent opinion poll, as many as one in four Finns would like Finland and other Western countries to send armed troops to Ukraine. This is a surprisingly high figure even though the number of opponents is higher, about 40 percent.

One in three men supported sending troops, but only one in six women. In addition to women, people over sixty also viewed the idea unfavorably.

When viewed from a political perspective, the supporters of the political right, that is, the National Coalition Party and the Finns Party, were the most in favor of sending troops. The greatest number of opponents were among the supporters of the Social Democrats and the Centre Party.

However, the fact is that official Finland will not send even a single soldier to fight in Ukraine, even though it has provided fairly generous material aid. Instead, voluntary Finnish soldiers are already fighting in Zelenskyy's army against the "old enemy."

In practice, Ukraine's future will largely be determined by who wins the U.S. presidential election and what the winner thinks about the matter.

If the winner wants to withdraw American support from Zelenskyy's army, the Ukrainians will find themselves in a difficult situation. European arms aid is unlikely to be enough to win the war, and the country will be forced to make an unpleasant peace with Russia.

Such a situation would also unite Finns and Ukrainians, as this happened after the Winter War. A large part of Finland was cut off and made part of Russia, largely because the Western powers—mainly Britain and France—did not come to help despite their promises. 

This decision by the Western powers had unfortunate consequences, as Finland, disappointed by the Western countries, joined Hitler´s Germany when it attacked the Soviet Union in 1941. Finland only disengaged after stopping Stalin's army's major offensive in Southeastern Finland in the summer of 1944.

It is to be hoped that history does not repeat itself in this matter, and that Ukraine can rely on Western aid long enough for the aggressor to be subdued. Then, the Ukrainians can peacefully build their own future as they wish and are able to do.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Stalemate in Ukraine
Ukraine can and will stop Putin
A woman's logic, Putin's test, and the Netherlands' change

Challenges of democracy: Reflections on political violence and rhetoric in Finnish politics

In Finland, a bloody civil war took place in 1918, in which the political left attempted to seize power. They were unsuccessful, but as a result, the country experienced a period of violent far-right movement for a while, which subsided due to determined action by the political leadership. 

Democracy doesn't seem to be very popular within the Finnish political left of today. This was evidenced earlier this year when the trade unions, closely associated with the Social Democratic Party (SDP), organized political strikes with a high cost to the economy.

Yesterday, we saw even more serious evidence of this when two men waving red flags approached Member of Parliament Sebastian Tynkkynen (Finn´s party) aggressively at a campaign event in Oulu, prompting police intervention.

Tynkkynen shared on his social media that this wasn't his first experience with violence. He mentioned, "Once, a leftist girl in Lahti targeted me with political violence, hitting me in the head with her fist and receiving a conviction for assault. Within the context of Extinction Rebellion, I've been attacked three times."

One would hope that leftist politicians condemn political violence in general and the events in Oulu in particular before the actions of their supporters escalate into irreversible harm.

Furthermore, it would be desirable for the left-wing of politics to refrain from using aggressive rhetoric, as was seen at the SDP's May Day event a week and a half ago. This is because many, with lesser understanding - of which there are plenty among left-wing supporters - may be incited to action after hearing such rhetoric.

Previous thoughts on the same topic: History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war Increase of violence by youngsters in Finnish towns

Brianna Wu's advice and the reality of Finnish politics

In recent years, Finnish society has become more polarized towards the right and the left than ever before. This is evident in virtually everything, as representatives of these factions seem unable to reach consensus on virtually any domestic political issue, even though the threat posed by Russia has led to foreign policy agreement.

In this respect, Finland increasingly resembles the United States of the 2020s, where parties that were previously able to address essential matters through mutual dialogue have lost their ability to cooperate. This was shockingly evident when some Republican members of Congress delayed the aid Ukraine needed for so long that Russian forces gained the upper hand on the front lines.

Therefore, it was interesting to note Brianna Wu's (Dem) social media post, in which she wrote, "The left learned all the wrong lessons from Donald Trump. We should have learned that if you do nothing about the extremists in your movement, they will take control of your party and you will lose everything. Instead, we told ourselves a comforting lie that half of our fellow Americans were beneath even talking to anymore. We stopped imagining a future where we could even live together. And our political class, hungry for power, let the open wounds fester."

* * *

Finland has a long tradition of excluding democratic parties. In my youth, President Kekkonen, the Center Party, and the Left kept the National Coalition Party out of government, and later all major parties refused to cooperate with the Finns Party to keep it out of the chambers of power.

In Finland, it is also customary for politicians to give speeches on May 1st. This has very long traditions in the political left, but in recent times, actors from the right-wing of politics have also joined in.

Thus, Speaker Jussi Halla-aho (Finns Party) gave a reasonable speech, summarizing the reasons why the government has had to make tough decisions. And reminded us that living beyond our means is irresponsible towards the children who will end up paying the final bill.

Additionally, Halla-aho emphasized the importance of supporting Ukraine. According to him, "Russia is counting on us running out of resolve," so "we cannot afford to tire."

From the other end of the spectrum, opposition leader Antti Lindtman's (Social Democrats) May Day speech hinted at the time of the Finnish Civil War in 1918, suggesting that there are "haters of humanity" among the ministers of one government party. To underscore his confrontational stance, he also used the inaccurate term "Purra's right-wing government" referring to the Minister of Finance, as if the she was the Prime Minister of Finland.

In other words, while the Speaker clarified the reasons behind the government's actions to the public, the opposition leader sought to dehumanize one government party. And thereby, to construct the kind of society that the American Democrat I quoted above warned about in her social media post.

Of course, it's customary in May Day speeches to appeal to one's own voter base, which hopefully explains Lindman's and several other speakers' divisive rhetoric. However, I hope that dialogue improves as we return to everyday life, and that all Finnish politicians from left to right understand that a better society is not built by dehumanizing political rivals but by presenting alternatives and through cooperation between political parties.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Finns are backing the government making difficult decisions
Competence of the political left
Is the Finnish left-wing radicalizing?

Competence of the political left

Finland is in a process to choose a new president for itself. The contenders are Alexander Stubb (National Coalition Party) and Pekka Haavisto (Greens). 

Therefore, I thought of writing about the general competence of the political left, using the example of the Red Vihti in 1918. As a source for my writing, I will be referring to Seppo Myllyniemi's work "Vihdin historia 1800-1918," which is available for potential fact-checkers from various antiquarian bookstores.

* * *

Vihti is a medium-sized municipality located in Uusimaa, where, before the Red Rebellion, around 10,000 people lived, of whom over three-quarters supported the Social Democratic Party of Finland. This refers to the overall entity that initiated the rebellion, whose descendants include today's Social Democratic Party and the Left Alliance, as well as the Greens to the extent that the party was founded in the 1970s by former communists.

In fact, the Greens have also shifted increasingly to the left over the years, becoming more and more a typical socialist party, aiming to strengthen central authority at the expense of the ordinary person's economic and ideological freedom. Therefore, it is clear that in the ongoing election, Pekka Haavisto can be considered a political heir of Vihti's Red Guards.

* * *

Vihti's Red Guards took control of the municipality's administration on January 28, 1918, by intervening in a meeting of the investigative committee handling tax complaints. They instructed the committee to recalculate the tax decisions based on the red municipal tax law published in the People's Delegation's newspaper. However, the outcome did not satisfy the workers because the calculation method used would have resulted in an increase in their taxes.

To rectify the situation, workers were then granted a substantial one-third deduction from their incomes, and new taxes were calculated. However, this revised outcome was not acceptable to dwellers of rented farms, as their taxes would have increased in relation to bourgeois Finnish tax laws.

Afterward, there was one more attempt to find a model that would be acceptable to everyone, but such a model couldn't be constructed. Consequently, the new leadership of Red Vihti eventually decided it was best to revert to the old model, namely the taxation system of White Finland, which was then implemented.

* * *

Red Guard of Vihti varied in size during the rebellion, ranging between four and six hundred men. Thus, it was relatively strong compared to its surroundings.

This strength provided the Red residents of Vihti with the opportunity to conduct raids into neighboring municipalities. They did not pass up this opportunity; the Red Guards not only operated in their own municipality but also imposed levies on the inhabitants of outlying areas in neighboring municipalities. They showed little concern for whether the seized food would be of use to the local revolutionaries.

The military strength of Vihti's Red Guards was well-known in neighboring municipalities, preventing similar raids from being carried out in their direction. Thus, the socialist principle of might makes right was realized even in Red Finland.

* * *

Actual terrorism can, of course, be discussed in connection with the bloodshed committed against known right-wing individuals in the territory of the Reds. Already at the end of January, a steward was shot in Olkkala Manor, and a person with a master´s degree in Kourla Manor. Additionally, over a dozen young men heading north were killed because they were suspected of joining the White forces.

Prisoners were also taken and subjected to abuse. When the "Flying Squad" of the Red Guard arrived from Hyvinkää, prisoners were shot, including a local police. In total, eighteen civilians were killed in a short period in Vihti.

However, the acts of bloodshed did not end there. In February, one farmer and one technician were murdered. After a brief pause in the killings, more murders occurred in April, as the looming defeat approached. The victims included the son of the parish priest, a railway clerk, the chairman of the food board, and a farmer.

Interestingly, in addition to their raids, the Reds of Vihti extended their acts of violence beyond their own municipality, also committing murders. They went as far as taking the lives of some residents of their own municipality who lived elsewhere.

* * *

The above has revealed that the Vihti Red Guard was not only a terrorist organization but also a significant power factor in its own territory. One might imagine that it would have posed a formidable challenge to the White Guard led by Jägers (Finnish soldiers trained in Germany).

The Guard, a battalion consisting of four companies, was sent for this purpose via Tampere to Kuhmalahti - approximately 160 km towards north - where it fought for a couple of weeks and eventually came close to being encircled. As a result, the Guard withdrew to Hämeenlinna, from where it was ordered to return to the front.

However, this did not happen. Instead, the group devised a creative solution and hijacked a train, speeding back to their home region. This, of course, did not sit well with the Red Headquarters, which ordered the Vihti Red Guard to send its forces back.

The order was immediately attempted to be carried out, but it became apparent that hardly any of the former Red warriors were willing to fight anymore. Thus, the Vihti rebel leaders had no other option but to gather a new guard. Once ready, they sent it to the front in Vesilahti - also around 150 km towards north - where fighting resumed for a few weeks.

However, the fighting ceased when the Vihti rebels learned that the Germans were advancing from Hanko towards their home municipality. At that point, despite orders, the guardsmen set out for home once again.

There, they had to defend themselves against the Germans in well-prepared positions built in southern part of the municipality and succeeded in achieving victory. Or at least, after a brief battle, the Germans decided to bypass the entirety of Vihti, instead capturing Helsinki and advancing through there towards Hyvinkää, intending to challenge the main forces of the Reds from there.

At that point, the Red Guard was once again ordered to the front outside its home municipality, specifically to Riihimäki, just 50 km away. The group was mobilized, but after advancing only about ten kilometers in the neighboring municipality of Pusula, they decided to return home and lay down their arms.

This did not spare the Vihti residents from the white terror that followed the war. Over two hundred Reds from the area were unlawfully executed in field courts-martial, placing Vihti among the ten largest execution sites in the entire country.

Moreover, the lives of nearly fifty Vihti residents, one of whom was a woman, were lost in legal internment camps. Consequently, the rebels of the municipality ultimately paid an exceptionally high price for their revolutionary attempt.

* * *

The small piece of local history above, in my opinion, is a highly interesting and instructive tale. The fervor for the Red ideology led people to seize power, but the new socialist authority immediately proved incapable of planning rational governance. It swiftly became corrupted, transforming from a herald of egalitarian humanity into an unscrupulous band of robbers that looted from its own ideological comrades and killed the innocent. In the end, it didn't even want to defend its "achievements."

All of this aligns perfectly with everything we have seen worldwide in states where Red power has gained a dominant position. Examples are easy to list, from the Soviet Union to Nicaragua, Cambodia to Venezuela.

Therefore, this story was worth publishing now as we Finns prepare to choose a new leader for our country and the top decision-maker in foreign policy for the next six years. The options, as I mentioned at the beginning, include a successor of the Vihti Red Guards and another candidate.

This blogpost is a slightly modified version of an earlier thought in Finnish:
Presidentinvaalit ja punainen hallinto

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Is the Finnish left-wing radicalizing?
Finnish women have enjoyed a privileged position since medieval times
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war

History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war

This is the twelfth part of a blog series where I go through the significant events of Finnish history. In the eleventh entry, I described how Finland became a democracy, ensuring equal political participation for all citizens, as a result of the oppressive measures taken by Russia in the country. 

As such, Finland gained independence in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution. However, led by the Social Democratic Party, then including also communists, the Finnish Civil War began. According to Professor Ylikangas, the war resulted in the deaths of as many as 36 640 people - more than in the similarly-lengthy Winter War, and in proportion to the population, more than in the three-year Continuation War.

As we know, the war was ultimately won by the Whites, led by Mannerheim, although they initially struggled to recruit even in South Ostrobothnia, where the war was being fought against fellow countrymen. This situation changed when Mannerheim managed to disarm 7 500 Russian soldiers with a small group of men in Ostrobothnia. Thereafter, recruitment was marketed with the need to remove the Russians from the country, which solved previous problems. 

The parties of the war were initially quite equal in terms of their skills, but the outcome was decided by the Jäger troops - Finnish young men who were trained and arrived from Germany - and ultimately by the German military unit that arrived in the country. In reality, the latter alone would have been sufficient to achieve the same outcome even if there had been no Jäger troops.

In the white Finland that emerged as the first outcome of the war, power was taken over by the educated classes, civil servants, owners of estates and factories, as well as farmers. On the other hand, the defeated industrial and agricultural workers and the landless inhabitants of sparsely populated areas were marginalized despite their right to vote.

The second significant outcome of the war was the emergence of a strong far-left party (The Finnish Communist Party) in our country. Its success was fueled by the white media, which highlighted the red terror, but remained silent about all the memories of the white post-war atrocities.

Finland was driven into a civil war primarily due to the power vacuum created by the fall of the Russian Tsar. The well-known social injustices - popularized by Väinö Linna and still cherished by the Left today - were more of a driving force for the war rather than the cause.

Two militant organizations, the Red and White Guards, emerged to fill the power vacuum, and their confrontation was ensured when the Senate, dominated by the political right, declared the Civil Guards as the government's armed forces. The Red Guard leadership could not accept this, and they set out on their ill-fated military campaign.

After the war, there was a multi-stage political struggle over the country's political system and the government structure that reflected it. The result was a democratic structure with a very strong executive power, which was entirely different from the other European states that became independent after the World War I.

Thanks to its strong executive power, Finland remained a democracy while other post-World War I democracies drifted towards right-wing dictatorships. This was despite the fact that communists in Finland were forced underground and the far-right sought to take power through extra-legal means.

The original blog post in Finnish:
Verinen sisällissota

All the blog posts in this series:
History of Finland I: How did Finland become culturally part of the West?
History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people
History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history
History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country
History of Finland VI: Age of freedom and utility
History of Finland VII: The dictator of the era of Enlightenment promoted capitalist economy
History of Finland VIII: Joining of Finland to Russia led to an increase in crime
History of Finland IX: Enlightended dictator initiated economic growth
History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion
History of Finland XIV: The end of the first Finnish Republic
History of Finland XV: Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine
History of Finland XVI: Through rise and fall to a new kind of future

History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people

This is the third part of a blog series in which I go through the significant phases of Finnish history. In the second post, I described how Finland became a part of an early modern state, where the power was concentrated in the hands of the king, who also had the means to use it.

After Gustav Vasa, there was a long power struggle in Sweden. First, the throne was inherited by Eric XIV, then John III, and his son Sigismund. Finally, after various twists and turns, Dude Charles, i.e., Charles IX, came to power. During this power struggle, the Swedish nobility tactfully maneuvered between the different parties and thus managed to improve its position, which was also strengthened by the wars that Sweden was fighting at the same time - after all, the nobility was ultimately a military class.

The longest of the Swedish wars was the war between Sweden and Russia at the end of the 16th century, which was preceded by a heated exchange of words. This 25-year-long conflict, known as the "Long Wrath," ended with the Treaty of Tyavzino in 1595, in which victorious Sweden's power expanded to include areas from the depths of the Gulf of Finland to the desolate borders of Lapland.

Sweden fought the war using a mercenary army, as was customary at the time, and the maintenance of this so-called castle camp was a burden on the peasants. There were widespread abuses associated with this, resulting in people having to sell their valuables and even their land due to financial difficulties. Thus, the wealth gap between the estates grew rapidly.

After the Treaty of Tyavzino, the peasants assumed that their burdens would end, but this did not happen. Instead, Klaus Fleming, the governor appointed by King Sigismund Vasa - who was staying in Poland - and effectively the dictator of Finland, kept his army ready. This provided the nobility and the wealthiest segment of the peasant population, the cavalry farmers, the opportunity to continue to increase their profits during peacetime as they had done during wartime by equipping the cavalry.

Since the maintenance of garrisons had severely impoverished ordinary peasants during the long war, the future seemed extremely bleak for them. This created a tremendous fear among the people of becoming tied to their estates as serfs, as had happened earlier in Central Europe.

As a result, Finland's first civil war, known as the "Cudgel War" erupted, and Fleming's cavalry brutally defeated the peasant armies: nearly 3,000 peasants were killed, a remarkably high number considering that there were less than 30,000 farms in Finland at the end of the 16th century. The outcome of the lost war was the formation of a class society, in which the legal and economic status of the common people was weak, and the position of the nobility was even stronger than before.

The original blog post in Finnish:
Kansan aseman oikeudellinen ja taloudellinen heikentyminen

All the blog posts in this series:
History of Finland I: How did Finland become culturally part of the West?
History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people
History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history
History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country
History of Finland VI: Age of freedom and utility
History of Finland VII: The dictator of the era of Enlightenment promoted capitalist economy
History of Finland VIII: Joining of Finland to Russia led to an increase in crime
History of Finland IX: Enlightended dictator initiated economic growth
History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion
History of Finland XIV: The end of the first Finnish Republic
History of Finland XV: Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine
History of Finland XVI: Through rise and fall to a new kind of future