Finns Give Their Government a Green Light to Ban Face Coverings

According to a new public opinion survey, 54 percent of Finns support and 26 percent oppose banning face coverings in public places and public services. This view is especially common among supporters of the Finns Party (92%), the National Coalition Party (70%), the Centre Party (62%), and the Social Democrats (54%). Thus, only the supporters of the left-wing parties (the Greens and the Left Alliance) are, on the whole, opposed to such a ban.

In fact, support for banning face coverings among different parties is even higher than the figures above suggest. For example, 14% of National Coalition supporters did not express an opinion, meaning that only 15% of them opposed the idea. Moreover, among those Green Party supporters who did state a view, around one-third supported a ban on face coverings.

There are at least two main justifications for prohibiting face coverings. First, they complicate criminal investigations.

Second, wearing a face covering is not always voluntary, since in certain cultures women are forced to cover their faces against their own will. Therefore, a ban could promote gender equality and the rights of girls and women.

That is why I now ask whether Prime Minister Petteri Orpo’s (NCP) government, together with the Social Democrats, could ensure that the will of the people on this matter is implemented as soon as possible. Drafting such a law should be fairly straightforward, as Finland could follow the example of countries such as Norway, the Netherlands, or France, where such bans are already in effect.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Managing Societal Change with a Growing Muslim Population
A young woman skiing in a swimsuit caused a controversy among women
Did police have the right to strip women

The original blogpost in Finnish:
Hallitus sai kansalta valtakirjan kasvojen peittämisen kieltämiselle

Attitudes Toward Immigrants Are a Problem in Schools

In recent decades, it has long been known that humanitarian immigration has had harmful effects on Western societies. For example, the link between immigration and increased gang, drug, and sexual crime is quite clear (example, another).

Less has been said about other impacts of people from developing countries on Western nations. In Finland’s case, however, this is one of the reasons why, according to PISA tests, the country’s school system is no longer anywhere near the best in the world.

The matter was written about by a local Helsinki newspaper, which interviewed Ulla Talvensaari, who has worked as a primary school teacher for 25 years. To understand her views, my esteemed reader must know that in many Helsinki schools, the proportion of pupils with an immigrant background can exceed half of the student body.

According to the experienced teacher, insufficient Finnish language instruction for pupils with an immigrant background threatens to weaken the entire education system, from primary school to vocational studies. This is reflected in the fact that “today only the sharpest quarter of pupils can manage tasks that, at the start of my career around the turn of the millennium, were routine for the majority.”

This has led to a situation where “secondary school teachers wonder why children with such weak skills have been allowed to pass through primary school to higher levels. In vocational studies, people then question secondary school assessments. Eventually, in vocational schools, standards are lowered and incompetence becomes a burden for working life.”

Schools also do not take immigrant pupils’ lack of competence seriously, but instead “it is now difficult for a teacher to hold anyone back a grade or to give conditional passes. Many teachers end up lowering standards just to get everyone through the system.” In this way, they avoid being branded as racists for prolonging immigrant pupils’ time at school.

Thus, the teacher raises the question: “Is it really equality if there are huge gaps in skill levels within classrooms? We used to talk about the Gaussian curve. Most pupils were average, with only a small number being particularly weak or highly gifted. Now the middle group has almost disappeared, and classrooms consist mostly of extremes—either capable pupils or those with major learning challenges.”

As one way to improve the situation, the teacher also calls for more parental responsibility. In her view, “we [Finns] should demand that immigrant parents also practice Finnish regularly at home with their children.”

One can only hope that this teacher will be listened to both in Finland and elsewhere in Europe, and that society will abandon woke dogmas and instead uphold children’s right to learn at school—including those with immigrant backgrounds. This should remain the case even if their learning takes longer than that of the native population’s children.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Unintended Consequences of Modern Value Shifts
Finland Denies Blanket Asylum for Gazans, Confirms Tighter Immigration Policies
Has Modern Education Strayed Too Far — and Is It Time to Change Course?

Iran Exposes the Finnish Green-Left as Intellectually Dishonest or Lacking Values

A young Finnish conservative politician, Binga Tupamäki (National Coalition Party), recently expressed her astonishment on social media, asking: “Why is the Finnish left defending an Islamist state that, in the name of jihad, is seeking to develop nuclear weapons?” It’s a valid question—so let us take a look at the values of the Finnish left.

According to the Left Alliance's party platform, the party's "core values are freedom, solidarity, and equality." The Social Democratic Party of Finland lists the same values, albeit in a slightly different order: "Our core values are freedom, equality, and solidarity."

Each reader can decide for themselves how well those words describe the actions of Iran’s Islamist government—or how those principles could possibly lead to the conclusion that such a regime is in any way worth defending by members or supporters of these parties.

And what about Finland’s value-liberal Greens? They don’t have a concise list quite like the Left Alliance, but their platform includes the following description: “We work to stop climate change and the sixth wave of extinction... we fight for an equal, safe, and just future. We defend nature and people.”

Nothing in that list seems even remotely compatible with the defense of Iran’s Islamist regime. On the contrary, based on these statements, one would expect the Greens to be pleased that someone—anyone—is actively trying to stop Iran’s mullahs from acquiring nuclear weapons.

Altogether, it appears that when comparing their stated values with their actual behavior, many Finnish green-leftists are not living up to their principles. In other words, they are either intellectually dishonest or, in practice, lack values. Perhaps even both.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Why Does the Political Green-Left Lie, and Why Does It Resonate with the People?

Hezbollah Uses Human Shields While the Green-Left Looks Away
The European Parliament elections were a celebration for the far-left in Finland

Sweden is Soon Set to Surpass the One Million Mark for Illiterate People

Sweden has been known for its cultural and intellectual expertise, and especially for its welfare state, where everyone is taken care of and given excellent tools for life.

However, according to the Fria Tider the latest survey by Statistics Sweden, approximately 780,000 adults in Sweden are now illiterate. The reason is not primarily a flawed school system, but rather the rapid demographic shift caused by humanitarian immigration.

The solution to the problem is quintessentially Swedish, characterized by treating all people equally. As a result, Swedish children—whether they belong to the native population and are fluent readers, or immigrants who struggle to recognize letters—will now sit in primary school for a full ten years.

The change will take effect in the fall of 2028, by which time the number of illiterate people is expected to approach one million. Humanitarian immigration, however, is not intended to be reduced, but rather to continue as usual.

It remains to be seen how the literacy levels of both Swedes and "Swedes" will develop in the future, and at what point this trend will start to be reflected not only in crime statistics but also in the country's economy.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Sweden's Gang Crime Recruits Children – Is It Time for the EU to Reevaluate Asylum Policies?
Sweden's Rapid Demographic Shift Causes Challenges
Sweden already in trouble - Finland following

Impact of Diversity in Films

In recent years, the use of individuals with distinctly different appearances in various movies, television entertainment shows, and advertisements has become more common. Therefore, it was interesting to find an American study that examined viewers' reactions when minority actors were added to leading roles in movie sequels.

The study analyzed movie series released from 1998 to 2021, and researchers found that movies with added minority actors received lower ratings and more toxic reviews than those without such additions. However, this effect weakened after the advent of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, especially when the movement's activity was at its peak.

According to the researchers, this demonstrated that social movements are significant factors in promoting diversity, equality, and inclusion. However, I couldn't help but wonder about the current situation, now that the BLM movement has lost some of its significance, and at least a significant portion of people—at least in Finland—are annoyed by the use of black individuals in movies and advertisements at a frequency much higher than their proportion of the population would suggest.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
A Finnish police officer is afraid to speak about the problems of immigration
Attitudes towards immigrants are not becoming more positive in Western countries
A white family does not represent real Londoners

The Non-Discrimination Ombudsman violates the law on openness

In Finland, there is an authority named the Non-Discrimination Ombudsman, which operates to provide statements related to its field and also comments on matters through social media. In messaging service X, this authority has most recently conveyed information stating, "The Non-Discrimination Ombudsman assesses that the closure of almost all eastern border crossing points and the concentration of seeking international protection at the Raja-Jooseppi border crossing endangers the right to seek asylum."

If one attempts to respond to the message, it is not possible, and comments can only be given from accounts specifically mentioned by the ombudsman. I am not one of those account owners, and neither is Minister of Justice Leena Meri.

This is perplexing, as the Non-Discrimination Ombudsman is a publicly funded entity serving taxpayers and should cater to the entire population. However, as evident from the above, this is not the case, prompting the question of why.

The issue at hand is why this particular authority is not inherently open to public discourse—or even public dialogue with the government of the country—but instead predefines with whom it is willing to engage.

Therefore, it is pertinent to inquire how this operational model aligns with the purpose stated in the Act on the Openness of Government Activities, which, in clear Finnish language, articulates that "the purpose of the statutory right of access to information and the obligations of authorities is to implement openness in the activities of the authorities, provide individuals and communities the opportunity to monitor the use of public authority and public funds, freely form their opinions, influence the exercise of public authority, and monitor their rights and interests."

Finally, it is worth noting that the current Non-Discrimination Ombudsman is Kristina Stenman, who previously served in the Refugee Advice Centre, assisted far-left professor Martin Scheinin and worked as a city manager. She assumed office on August 1, 2020, having been appointed by the government of Prime Minister Sanna Marin.

The original thought in Finnish:
Yhdenvertaisuusvaltuutettu ja laki viranomaisen toiminnan julkisuudesta

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Freudian slip, 9-year-old girl and cultural appropriation
A Finnish police officer is afraid to speak about the problems of immigration
"Woke" pushes American science academies to favor women in their membership selections

Finnish women have enjoyed a privileged position since medieval times

Finland was one of the first countries to grant women the right to vote and stand for election, so we have an exceptionally long and still ongoing tradition of political gender equality. And, of course, this is closely tied to the generally good societal position of women.

However, it is unclear how long gender attitudes persist in places undergoing significant societal changes. This question was studied by Swedish researchers Taylor Damann, Jeremy Siow, and Margit Tavits by analyzing the teeth of about ten thousand medieval individuals from 139 archaeological sites.

The researchers used differences in the dental health of women and men as a measure of disparities in nutrition and healthcare. Additionally, they compared these archaeological measurements to data on gender norms from surveys conducted in the same geographical areas.

The result was quite clear, as historical indicators of gendered health disparities were significantly linked to modern gender equality norms in the same locations. However, this connection weakened in places where significant population turnovers had occurred over history, meaning that new populations brought their own attitudes with them.

In other words, the gender attitudes of population groups can persist across generations, even for extended periods, spanning hundreds or thousands of years, despite major societal, economic, and political changes. This seems to be the case in Finland as well, as the study included one Finnish site, Luistari in Eura.

Based on the analysis of dental remains, women from Luistari's medieval population had even been "more equal" than men, meaning they received better nutrition and healthcare. Among all 139 sites, Luistari women ranked as the 16th best-treated.

Thus, Finnish women have enjoyed a privileged position since medieval times. This strongly equal position of women in society applies more or less to the entire Northern European population, including Scandinavians and Balts.

The original thought in Finnish:
Suomalaisnaiset olivat jo keskiajalla tasa-arvoisempia kuin miehet

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
"Woke" pushes American science academies to favor women in their membership selections
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
Discrimination against women?

"Woke" pushes American science academies to favor women in their membership selections

Recently in Finland, there has been a lot of discussion about racism, but the media has not forgotten about feminism either. The latter also concerns education, where attention has been given to, among other things, the low percentage of women in the highest level of education in the field of technology. This is despite the fact that their proportion among all university students is clearly greater than that of men.

One ongoing topic in this discussion has been the gender distribution of university professors, which still leans towards men. However, it is likely just a matter of time before the gender distribution of students also becomes evident in the composition among our country's professors.

In this sense, it was interesting to note that the membership of the American science academies, the National Academy of Sciences (NAS), and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (AAAS), has undergone significant changes. Over the past two decades, many women have joined this group of top researchers, which was previously almost exclusively composed of men. In recent years, women have made up about 40% of the new members in both academies.

In a recently published study, the merits of researchers in psychology, mathematics, and economics were compared to each other, and the change in the likelihood of women being elected to NAS and AAAS membership from the 1960s to the present day was analyzed.

According to the collected data, in the early years of the study period, women had fewer opportunities to be selected as members compared to men with similar qualifications. However, by the 1990s, the selection process in both academies had become roughly gender-neutral based on publications and citations.

Nevertheless, the development didn't stop at a gender-neutral situation, as might have been assumed. Over the past two decades, a trend of favoring women has emerged and strengthened in all three fields. Currently, women are three to fifteen times more likely than men with equivalent publication and citation records to be elected as members of AAAS and NAS.

In other words, the recognition and status of female researchers have fundamentally changed, at least in the USA, leading to men becoming a discriminated gender in science, with their merits receiving less recognition compared to women, at least within the scientific community's own structures.

The authors of the study in question speculated that this might be due to the fear that women would receive less recognition for their work and thus find it more difficult to get their publications into top-tier scientific journals. To compensate for this, science academies would engage in positive discrimination towards them.

In other words, this would reflect the influence of the prevailing "woke" culture in the USA, with the fear of increasingly strong societal pressures manifesting in the selection of academy members. Consequently, this would have led to significant discrimination against men.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
Discrimination against women?
A young woman skiing in a swimsuit caused a controversy among women
China is betting on scientific excellence

History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion

This is the thirteenth part of a blog post series where I go through the most significant stages of Finnish history. In the twelfth post, I described how Finland gained democracy after its independence and the Civil War, characterized by an exceptionally strong executive power.

Like many other European countries, Finland also experienced attempts by the far right to seize power in the 1920s and 1930s. This movement emerged as a reaction to the active activities of communist groups supported by the Soviet Union that were channeled into trade unions and resulted in continuous strikes.

Initially, these strikes were attempted to be suppressed with strikebreakers, which were mainly collected from Southern Ostrobothnia. When this did not work, the right-wing became increasingly radicalized and formed the violent Lapua Movement, which targeted communists and those believed to be sympathetic to them.

Finnish right-wing radicalism was strongest in the region of South Ostrobothnia, as the region had traditionally adopted a more active attitude towards economic activity through tar burning and other pre-capitalist activities, but the landless population that generally created instability had left - inspired by the same activity - to seek their fortune in America. Thus, the population of South Ostrobothnia was wealthy and economically unusually equal.

As a result, the people who remained in the region adopted a more conservative attitude towards world events than the rest of the country. In the 1920s, this even took on some far-right characteristics: particularly Italian Benito Mussolini was admired.

However, there were only a few openly fascist people in South Ostrobothnia. In addition, the majority of the population remained on the side of legality, which had a decisive impact on later events in 1932.

The support for the far-right first rose all over Finland but turned quickly to decline after representatives of the Lapua Movement mistakenly abducted the former President Kaarlo Juho Ståhlberg and his wife on October 15, 1930. At the same time, the core of the far-right movement radicalized further, and in February-March 1932, they rebelled against the lawful authority in Mäntsälä, South Finland.

The rebellion was stopped by a speech by President Pehr Evind Svinhufvud, emphasizing the importance of legal proceedings for the whole nation, and the Lapua members, who attempted to recruit people from the countryside, failed to gather support in Mäntsälä. As a result, the entire movement was banned, and the Patriotic People's Movement, that emerged from its ruins never became a significant political force.

Thus, Finland returned to being a law-abiding and peaceful democracy, with the Social Democrats and the Agrarian League, who had distanced themselves from the far-left, being its guarantors. The Agrarian League's peasant supporters had already refused to join the far-right's bandwagon earlier. As a result, the grip of the far-left and the far-right, which had created successive pressures at the beginning of Finland's independence, loosened, and the country could be developed through peaceful politics towards a better future.

The original blog post in Finnish:
Äärioikeiston kapina

All the blog posts in this series:
History of Finland I: How did Finland become culturally part of the West?
History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people
History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history
History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country
History of Finland VI: Age of freedom and utility
History of Finland VII: The dictator of the era of Enlightenment promoted capitalist economy
History of Finland VIII: Joining of Finland to Russia led to an increase in crime
History of Finland IX: Enlightended dictator initiated economic growth
History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion
History of Finland XIV: The end of the first Finnish Republic
History of Finland XV: Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine
History of Finland XVI: Through rise and fall to a new kind of future

History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women

This is the eleventh part of a blog post series where I go through the significant phases of Finnish history. In the tenth entry, I described how the Finnish nationalism led to the formation of a unified, yet bilingual Finnish identity.

However, the next change occurred when the development of the Russian society progressed to a level where the country could dream of standardizing the administration of the empire. As a result, Tsar Nicholas II decided to end Finland's autonomous status as a part of the empire - in other words, the first period of oppression began in our country, which lasted from 1899 to 1905.

The beginning of the period of oppression heavily politicized our country, causing the political struggle, which had previously been focused on language issues, to shift to new fronts. The Old Finns party, primarily relying on the peasantry, adopted a conciliatory policy with the aim of combining the interests of the Finns and the Tsar, while the Young Finns party of the educated and industrial circles, the Old Estates, and the Swedish-speaking industrialists formed a constitutional front that held onto autonomy as it had been known.

The first period of oppression ended when Russia stumbled in the war with Japan in 1904-05, resulting in Tsar losing his autocracy, and a parliament, called the Duma, was established in the empire. At the same time, the Tsar's grip on Finland loosened, and the people went on a general strike demanding the restoration of autonomy and their own parliament.

After a lengthy struggle, the country finally obtained a unicameral parliament that maximized democracy, and women, along with the working-class, were granted the right to vote and, gradually, an equal position with men.

It may interest my esteemed reader that the Swedish-speaking minority in our country, supported by some Young Finns, vehemently opposed women's access to positions of power. This opposition was sometimes expressed in quite interesting turns of phrase.

One of my ancient colleagues opposed women's eligibility for elections on the grounds that "women, as emotional beings, might easily sway towards too extreme positions" - expressing incontrovertibly that the opposition to gender equality was not so much ethical or political, but rather stemmed primarily from a fear of democracy. In other words, women's ability to make sound political decisions was not trusted.

The original blog post in Finnish:

Suomalainen demokratia ja naisten tasa-arvo

All the blog posts in this series:
History of Finland I: How did Finland become culturally part of the West?
History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people
History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history
History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country
History of Finland VI: Age of freedom and utility
History of Finland VII: The dictator of the era of Enlightenment promoted capitalist economy
History of Finland VIII: Joining of Finland to Russia led to an increase in crime
History of Finland IX: Enlightended dictator initiated economic growth
History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion
History of Finland XIV: The end of the first Finnish Republic
History of Finland XV: Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine
History of Finland XVI: Through rise and fall to a new kind of future

History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity

This is the tenth part of a blog post series in which I go through the most significant phases of Finnish history. In the ninth post, I described how the change of power in Russia led to the creation of liberal legislation and enormous progress in the development of society.

At the end of the 19th century, the Finnish nationalistic movement, or Fennomania, also emerged, which, alongside the liberalization of the country, was the most significant development of the time. We Finns remember it best from our school days as an idea created by Swedish-speaking great men such as Arwidsson, Snellman, Runeberg, and Topelius to improve the position of the Finnish people and their language.

And to some extent, that was indeed the case. However, school books left open the question of why Swedish-speaking great men originally started advocating for the position of the Finnish people.

The explanation for this can be found by examining fennomania as a transfer of power between social classes. The growing intelligentsia allied themselves with the wealthy peasants who had benefited from pre-capitalist economic policies to challenge the predominantly aristocratic, Swedish-speaking civil servants in the distribution of high-level positions reserved solely for the Swedish-speaking upper class. And in this battle, the language of the peasant class was well-suited, especially since the children of noble estates did not speak it.

In addition to the rising peasant class that challenged the Swedish-speaking civil servants, the will of the emperor - or grand duke as the Tsar was called in Finland - was also crucial in this struggle. His advantage was to weaken the close ties of the civil servants with the old motherland, Sweden, and the elevation of the status of the Finnish language was ideal for this.

Throughout the 19th century, however, the civil servants were initially stronger than the fennomaniacs, and by the mid-1800s, it appeared that the fate of the Finnish language would be that of the disappearing Irish language. However, an unexpected change occurred when Alexander II ascended the throne and signed the Language Decree of 1863, which made Finnish an equal language alongside Swedish.

This had far-reaching consequences. Firstly, despite the great disappointment of the Swedish-speaking population, the decision ultimately saved their mother tongue in Finland, as it ensured them an equal linguistic status with the Finnish-speaking population after Finland's independence. Otherwise, Finland would have become a monolingual country like Estonia.

The second significant consequence was that, after winning the language struggle, the original fennomans, i.e. the old Finns, became advocates of the emperor in Finland. This was evident during the years of oppression, where to preserve the autonomy of the Grand Duchy, concessions were repeatedly made to the Tsar's administration. In exchange for this submission, they were granted official positions by the Grand Duke, but as a reaction to this, the younger generation of fennomans, the young Finns, emerged with a highly negative view of their predecessors.

At the same time, there was a lively debate in the Swedish press, in which Snellman also participated. The Swedish government had recognized the facts and reluctantly accepted the loss of the eastern part of the country to Russia. Despite this, there was still debate on the western side of the Gulf of Bothnia, where since the 1830s and especially during the Crimean War, there were voices calling for Finland to be returned to the old motherland by joining forces with its enemies.

This debate likely had a strong impact on the Tsars allowing Finland to maintain its autonomous special status, which allowed the former backward eastern part of the Swedish kingdom to develop into a state capable of achieving high-level accomplishments in almost every field within a hundred years. Thus, the Swedish revanchist spirit ended up doing a favor for Finland - albeit in a way that its representatives had not intended.

The original blog post in Finnish:
Suomalaisuuden synty

All the blog posts in this series:
History of Finland I: How did Finland become culturally part of the West?
History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people
History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history
History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country
History of Finland VI: Age of freedom and utility
History of Finland VII: The dictator of the era of Enlightenment promoted capitalist economy
History of Finland VIII: Joining of Finland to Russia led to an increase in crime
History of Finland IX: Enlightended dictator initiated economic growth
History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion
History of Finland XIV: The end of the first Finnish Republic
History of Finland XV: Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine
History of Finland XVI: Through rise and fall to a new kind of future

The program of the new Finland´s Government is ready, and ministers are being selected

The new Finnish Government has a program in place, although the appointment of ministers is still pending. Nonetheless, it was genuinely intriguing to read about the selection criteria employed by the leaders of Government's two largest parties: Petteri Orpo of the National Coalition Party and Riikka Purra of the Finns Party.

Petteri Orpo selects ministers based on general and substantive expertise, as well as considering general political experience, gender equality, and regional distribution. He explicitly mentioned that he does not have any specific favorites (team members) within his own party.

On the other hand, Riikka Purra emphasizes the overall and substantive expertise of her ministers. She explicitly stated that gender equality is not a central criterion for her, although a balanced composition is desired also in the Finns Party's ministerial team.

It remains to be seen how these principles will be reflected in the final ministerial appointments. However, it is already clear that Orpo will become the Prime Minister and Purra will serve as the Minister of Finance. The success of the government largely depends on the success of their collaboration.

The goal of this collaboration is to respond to the message conveyed by the voters in the recent parliamentary elections to the country's leadership. That is: Finland's economy must be revived, with a focus on promoting growth and reducing debt. Additionally, the internal security, which has been disrupted due to the immigration policies of previous governments, needs to be restored. 

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
The people long for strict economic policy
Reducing taxes, enhancing export and paying the governmental debt
The Center and the National Coalition Party are willing to donate our tax money to the EU

Daniel Freund demanded a ban to Viktor Orbán

A totalitarian society can be recognized by the fact that those in power disregard agreed-upon rules when the resulting decisions would be unpleasant. This came to my mind when reading about the debate in the European Parliament, where an attempt was made to prevent Hungary from assuming the rotating presidency of the EU.

I understand that Hungary does not represent the mainstream of the EU but rather one of its extreme ends. However, this does not justify the violation of rules; it may justify, at most, a political process to change the system. 

In this case, such a goal could be to place member states in different positions, where the presidency would only apply to a subset of countries. And if such a decision were to be made, it would undoubtedly lead to the disintegration of the EU.

Therefore, the attack by Germany's Green Party member Daniel Freund against Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán should be seen primarily as an expression of totalitarian thinking - or even an echo from Germany 80 years ago. 

Freund demanded a ban on Orbán entering the European Parliament if Hungary were to become the presiding country. Such an initiative is exactly the kind of fanatic ranting that we do not need in the European Parliament. 

Instead, it is necessary to adhere to collectively agreed democratic rules, even when the outcome is not pleasing. Only by acting in this way can the EU remain a democratic community, where all nations and citizens have equal rights.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
The European Commission appears unreliable as a decision-maker to the Finns
Fair policy will build a strong Union
Share of EU recovery funds will turn attitudes more negative

History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country

This blog post is the fifth installment of a series that delves into the significant phases of Finnish history. In the previous post, I discussed how the ascendancy of the highest aristocracy led to the deterioration of living conditions for the common people.

However, this trend eventually came to a halt through a transformative process that culminated in the triumph of the official aristocracy over the highest aristocracy. The catalyst behind this shift was the economic collapse of the great power.

The recruitment of military personnel faced hindrances due to the landed estates owned by the upper nobility. These estates posed obstacles to enlisting individuals from their own ranks into military service. Moreover, the state lacked sufficient funds to pay its officials, as a significant portion of the income generated from land ownership predominantly benefited the upper nobility. To illustrate the magnitude of this disparity, consider the fact that Count Magnus de la Gardie's annual income in 1679 amounted to approximately five percent of Sweden's entire revenue and expenditure budget.

The conflicts of the late 1600s, which relied on France's assistance to maintain Sweden's great power status, played a crucial role in driving forward societal development. The noble-dominated council of state was held responsible for the situation and was compelled to cede its authority to King Charles XI, who implemented the decision of the Estates to reclaim the landed property in order to rescue the state from bankruptcy. As a result, former landowners were left with a mere tenth of their previous tax-exempt fiefs.

In practice, power became concentrated in the hands of a single individual, as the king possessed the right to pose questions to the Council of State, but the council lacked the authority to advise the monarch unless specifically solicited. This effectively dismantled the most potent tool of aristocratic governance with a single decree. To ensure the success of this transition, a law was passed a few years later in 1682, affirming that legislative power resided solely with the king.

Of particular significance to us Finns in this progression was the nearly unanimous support of our representatives in the Estates, including the nobility, for the king's absolute power, which placed them in opposition to the Swedish nobility. It is possible that it was during this time that the Finnish people's subsequent yearning for a strong monarchy, their belief in the righteousness of the Tsar, and ultimately the potent authority of the independent country's president originated.

Alongside the establishment of absolute monarchy in the late 1600s, there were additional significant developments. The administration of justice underwent a redirection towards the "law of nature", which was widely viewed as being largely consistent with the traditional Swedish law.

Previously, the nobility had exploited the flexibility of the old Swedish law, particularly drawing upon interpretations rooted in Roman law, enabling them to interpret it according to their own discretion. The recruitment of military personnel transitioned to a more stable conscription system, and civil servants' salaries were secured through the use of designated official positions.

Following the defeat of young King Charles XII in the Great Northern War, and ultimately his demise, the influence of the civil service serving the state did not waver. On the contrary, it continued to exert its power while the king lost much of his own authority. The Estates Assembly became the instrument through which the civil-service nobility wielded their power.

A notable change in public administration was the shift from hereditary status to formal education and other qualifications as the basis for filling positions. Furthermore, social changes enabled a commoner to marry a noblewoman without her family having the ability to disinherit her—an aspect not to be overlooked.

Simultaneously, Sweden's mercantilist policy also suffered a collapse. In this regard, the country followed a trajectory akin to the pre-capitalist development observed in England and the Netherlands, where exportation became an increasingly vital driving force. Sweden's primary export commodities included iron, copper, timber, and tar.

As a result, decisions and practices were instituted that favored the protection of private property rights, the freedom to engage in contractual agreements, the application of rationality in legal proceedings, and enhanced autonomy for citizens. The driving force behind this progression was particularly the pursuit of profit, which stemmed from the recognition and enforcement of private property rights.

For Finland and its people, these changes marked a gradual improvement in the status of the (lower) nobility, bourgeoisie, and peasants, filling the void left by the upper nobility. However, this transformation faced further challenges during the subsequent period of the Great Famine and the Great Northern War, which represented the lowest point for the upper nobility. The ascent of the eastern regions within the Swedish kingdom also became apparent through the emergence of notable Finnish figures who achieved prominence.

Notable examples include Fabian Wrede, a member of the lower nobility from Elimäki, who rose to become the chairman of the Reduction Commission, and Heikki Vaanila, a peasant estate owner from Lohja, who assumed leadership of the peasant estate in the Estates of the Realm. These Finnish individuals found themselves at the core of the kingdom's power structure, serving as compelling illustrations of Finland's growing influence within the realm.

The original blog post in Finnish: Voiton tavoittelu pelasti maan

All the blog posts in this series:
History of Finland I: How did Finland become culturally part of the West?
History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people
History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history
History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country
History of Finland VI: Age of freedom and utility
History of Finland VII: The dictator of the era of Enlightenment promoted capitalist economy
History of Finland VIII: Joining of Finland to Russia led to an increase in crime
History of Finland IX: Enlightended dictator initiated economic growth
History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion
History of Finland XIV: The end of the first Finnish Republic
History of Finland XV: Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine
History of Finland XVI: Through rise and fall to a new kind of future

Discrimination against women?

As my esteemed reader is aware, gender-related issues are currently a prominent subject of discussion. In light of this, it was delightful to come across a recent study that provided fresh and surprising insights on the matter.

Traditionally, gender discrimination has been widely regarded as a significant contributor to women's disadvantages in the labor market. However, previous studies have produced mixed results due to variations in research designs, making it challenging to compare discrimination estimates across countries.

To address this challenge, the researchers conducted a comparative field experiment on gender discrimination in hiring across six countries. By directly comparing employers' responses to fictional male and female applicants, they were able to draw intriguing conclusions.

Despite variations in crucial institutional, economic, and cultural aspects among the participating countries, the researchers found no evidence of discrimination against women. However, they did observe discrimination against men in Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, and the UK, while no discrimination against men was found in Norway and the United States.

Even within diverse institutional contexts, employers tended to perceive female applicants as more suitable for roles in female-dominated occupations, all other factors being equal. However, the researchers found no evidence to support the claim that employers prefer male applicants in any location.

Hence, the researchers concluded that the well-known differences in salary between genders likely stem from women and men choosing different types of jobs rather than employers discriminating against women, as sometimes alleged.

Previous thoughts on the same topic:
The change in the demographic structure of Helsinki
Afghanistan now and in the future
Sexual harassment and bullying in working life

History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history

This is the fourth part of a blog series where I delve into the significant phases of Finnish history. In the previous post, I discussed the rebellion of the peasants who feared becoming serfs but ultimately lost their battle, resulting in the permanent weakening of their previously strong position in relation to the nobility.

Following the Cudgel War, Charles, Duke of Södermanland, ascended to power in Sweden after defeating King Sigismund in the Battle of Stångebro. As King Charles IX, he successfully curbed the nobility's thirst for power during his reign. However, after his sudden demise in 1611, the situation underwent a transformation.

This presented an opportunity for the high nobility to place the underage Gustaf Adolph on the throne, whose decisions were heavily influenced by the dominance of the nobility itself, the ruling Council of State, and the Estates General, all of which were effectively controlled by the high nobility. Consequently, the king found himself compelled to advocate for the privileges of the nobility, resulting in his position being somewhat like the first of his peers. As a result, the king also had an interest in promoting the interests of the high nobility.

As a result of this development, approximately 63 percent of the kingdom's land came under the ownership of the nobility. Consequently, the position of ordinary peasants and even lower nobility further deteriorated. However, they still served a purpose as representatives in the Estates General, which was established to endorse the privileges of the high nobility.

Soon, the nobility acquired exclusive rights to the highest positions, which were rapidly created. Consequently, power, legal authority, and wealth in the country shifted into the hands of the upper echelons of nobility, while the significance of local parish meetings, which were closer to the people, diminished.

Nevertheless, the peasants in the northern regions were spared from serfdom due to the sparse population. Unlike the southern European cities that attracted the surrounding rural population, the small settlements in the north lacked the same appeal, eliminating the need to bind peasants to the land.

Consequently, the Finnish and Swedish peasants were formally allowed to maintain their free status. However, the decrease in the number of farms and cultivated areas between 1570 and 1660, instead of growth, clearly indicates their actual distress. Moreover, the common people bore the burden of conscription by the great power, directed by the nobles towards difficult people in their own fiefdoms and neighboring estates, seeking to redeem them for their own control when their own men became depleted.

Simultaneously, the common people endured an unprecedentedly stringent discipline, resulting in various side effects such as witch hunts in the wealthiest peasant regions, religious revivalist movements, and devastating famines that claimed the lives of at least a quarter, if not a third, of Finland's population. The destructiveness of these famines was not only caused by the well-known Little Ice Age but also by rural poverty, which eroded people's ability to withstand years of poor harvests.

Furthermore, even during the worst famine years, Finland, under the rule of the nobility, saw the exportation of grain instead of utilizing it to feed the starving population. Meanwhile, cities on the eastern coast of the Baltic Sea decayed due to the mercantilist ideology centered around a Stockholm-dominated trade system.

The position of the peasants was further weakened not only by the Swedish conscription that transformed Finland into a massive military camp but also by the constant need for funds to sustain a military perpetually engaged in warfare. This necessity stemmed from the fact that approximately half of the state's income was allocated to military endeavors. The nobility benefited from these wars, as they provided various advantages to the military class, from advancing their own careers to amassing land.

Overall, the era of the aristocracy represented the darkest period in Finnish history for the common people. However, it also sowed the seeds of its own destruction, as the nobility's insatiable thirst for power and wealth, coupled with their incessant warfare, gradually weakened the entire kingdom and ultimately left it vulnerable and defenseless in the face of external threats.

The original blog post in Finnish: Suomen historian kurjin aika

All the blog posts in this series:
History of Finland I: How did Finland become culturally part of the West?
History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people
History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history
History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country
History of Finland VI: Age of freedom and utility
History of Finland VII: The dictator of the era of Enlightenment promoted capitalist economy
History of Finland VIII: Joining of Finland to Russia led to an increase in crime
History of Finland IX: Enlightended dictator initiated economic growth
History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion
History of Finland XIV: The end of the first Finnish Republic
History of Finland XV: Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine
History of Finland XVI: Through rise and fall to a new kind of future

History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people

This is the third part of a blog series in which I go through the significant phases of Finnish history. In the second post, I described how Finland became a part of an early modern state, where the power was concentrated in the hands of the king, who also had the means to use it.

After Gustav Vasa, there was a long power struggle in Sweden. First, the throne was inherited by Eric XIV, then John III, and his son Sigismund. Finally, after various twists and turns, Dude Charles, i.e., Charles IX, came to power. During this power struggle, the Swedish nobility tactfully maneuvered between the different parties and thus managed to improve its position, which was also strengthened by the wars that Sweden was fighting at the same time - after all, the nobility was ultimately a military class.

The longest of the Swedish wars was the war between Sweden and Russia at the end of the 16th century, which was preceded by a heated exchange of words. This 25-year-long conflict, known as the "Long Wrath," ended with the Treaty of Tyavzino in 1595, in which victorious Sweden's power expanded to include areas from the depths of the Gulf of Finland to the desolate borders of Lapland.

Sweden fought the war using a mercenary army, as was customary at the time, and the maintenance of this so-called castle camp was a burden on the peasants. There were widespread abuses associated with this, resulting in people having to sell their valuables and even their land due to financial difficulties. Thus, the wealth gap between the estates grew rapidly.

After the Treaty of Tyavzino, the peasants assumed that their burdens would end, but this did not happen. Instead, Klaus Fleming, the governor appointed by King Sigismund Vasa - who was staying in Poland - and effectively the dictator of Finland, kept his army ready. This provided the nobility and the wealthiest segment of the peasant population, the cavalry farmers, the opportunity to continue to increase their profits during peacetime as they had done during wartime by equipping the cavalry.

Since the maintenance of garrisons had severely impoverished ordinary peasants during the long war, the future seemed extremely bleak for them. This created a tremendous fear among the people of becoming tied to their estates as serfs, as had happened earlier in Central Europe.

As a result, Finland's first civil war, known as the "Cudgel War" erupted, and Fleming's cavalry brutally defeated the peasant armies: nearly 3,000 peasants were killed, a remarkably high number considering that there were less than 30,000 farms in Finland at the end of the 16th century. The outcome of the lost war was the formation of a class society, in which the legal and economic status of the common people was weak, and the position of the nobility was even stronger than before.

The original blog post in Finnish:
Kansan aseman oikeudellinen ja taloudellinen heikentyminen

All the blog posts in this series:
History of Finland I: How did Finland become culturally part of the West?
History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people
History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history
History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country
History of Finland VI: Age of freedom and utility
History of Finland VII: The dictator of the era of Enlightenment promoted capitalist economy
History of Finland VIII: Joining of Finland to Russia led to an increase in crime
History of Finland IX: Enlightended dictator initiated economic growth
History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion
History of Finland XIV: The end of the first Finnish Republic
History of Finland XV: Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine
History of Finland XVI: Through rise and fall to a new kind of future

History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state

This is the second part of a blog post series where I go through the significant phases of Finland's history. In the first post, I described how Finland (or actually its densely populated southern and western parts) became a part of Sweden, which inevitably connected our country to the development of the Western world.

During the Middle Ages, the Nordic countries formed the Kalmar Union, in which power gradually shifted to the union king - that is, the Danes. For Finland - and at the same time for all Nordic countries - it was crucial that Gustav Vasa's successful rebellion restored Sweden's independence from external forces, as it was important for the future development of the region.

This was accomplished with the support of the free town of Lübeck, which belonged to the Hanseatic League that dominated Baltic Sea trade. Of course, this support had to be repaid, and the only way to do so was by stealing the property of the wealthy Catholic Church that had prospered during the Middle Ages - a justification provided by the Protestant Reformation.

Later, Gustav made Sweden even more independent from Lübeck by severing its umbilical cord with the city through an alliance with Denmark and the Netherlands, and by defeating the free city in a war with their help. As a result, Sweden - and as a part of it, Finland - withdrew from the nearly monopolistic foreign trade advantages previously demanded and obtained by the Hanseatic city.

In order to enable all of these achievements and to increase his power, Gustav Vasa had to develop a functioning central administration in Sweden, complete with tax-collecting bailiffs and written commands. Trade was directed under the control of the central government through the steeple town system, which also enriched the king's personal wealth and the kingdom itself.

Gustav Vasa also changed the justice system so that the law courts shifted towards seeking out and punishing the guilty parties. The previous practice of seeking reconciliation between the warring parties - and their families - was left in the background.

Through these actions, the new taxation and legal practices, as well as the weakening grip of the Church on power, led to the king's strong position. Beneath Gustav Vasa, there were only his servants and loyal subjects. In support of this power, the king also created a standing army, the maintenance of which required taxes e.g. money.

The importance of a monetary economy grew throughout the entire kingdom, which helped to enhance the position of the nobility who cultivated large estates and the merchants who engaged in trade, in relation to the rest of the population. This raised the nobility and the wealthy bourgeoisie of the cities above the common people.

Overall, as a result of Gustaf Vasa's actions, a modern or at least pre-modern state led by the king was established and strengthened, which was able to steer the entire kingdom in the desired direction. At the same time, the living conditions of ordinary people declined for the next two centuries - this happened both in Sweden and Finland.

The original blog post in Finnish:
Suomen tie unionin takamaasta osaksi modernia valtiota

All the blog posts in this series:
History of Finland I: How did Finland become culturally part of the West?
History of Finland II: From a hinterland of the Union into a modern state
History of Finland III: The legal and economic weakening of the position of the people
History of Finland IV: The bleakest time in Finnish history
History of Finland V: The pursuit of economic profit saved the country
History of Finland VI: Age of freedom and utility
History of Finland VII: The dictator of the era of Enlightenment promoted capitalist economy
History of Finland VIII: Joining of Finland to Russia led to an increase in crime
History of Finland IX: Enlightended dictator initiated economic growth
History of Finland X: The birth of Finnish identity
History of Finland XI: Finnish democracy and gender equality for women
History of Finland XII: Bloody civil war
History of Finland XIII: The far-right's rebellion
History of Finland XIV: The end of the first Finnish Republic
History of Finland XV: Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine
History of Finland XVI: Through rise and fall to a new kind of future